On 29 March, the Austrian daily Der Standard published a piece by its Balkans correspondent Adelheid Wölfl on the state of European integration in the Western Balkans. The article is, in many respects, a competent survey of familiar anxieties: Montenegro’s uneven reform record, the durability of Vučić’s influence across the region, the thinness of political will in Paris and Budapest. We have no quarrel with those concerns.
What the piece does, however, in a move so routine it has become invisible, is collapse Albania and Serbia into the same analytical category. Edi Rama and Aleksandar Vučić appear as variants of the same problem — two leaders indifferent to the rule of law, jointly authoring the region’s democratic deficit. The evidence offered is a shared op-ed in the Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung and a parliamentary vote in Tirana. The conclusion drawn is systemic equivalence.
That conclusion is wrong. It is wrong in its reading of the FAZ piece, wrong in its treatment of Albania’s institutional record, and wrong in the analytical method that produced it. It is also consequential in a way that demands a direct response: Der Standard’s coverage of this region is read in Brussels, in Vienna, in the chancelleries that determine whether enlargement remains a credible process or a managed disappointment. Errors of equivalence at that level of readership do not stay on the page.
The Tirana Examiner editorial board has addressed an open letter to Gerold Riedmann, Der Standard’s editor-in-chief. It is published below in full.
An Open Letter to Der Standard
To Gerold Riedmann, Editor-in-Chief
On 29 March, Der Standard published an analysis by Adelheid Wölfl under the headline “Premature Jubilation?” The piece raises legitimate questions about the pace and depth of European integration in the Western Balkans. We do not contest that. What we contest is something more fundamental: a method of analysis that substitutes pattern for evidence, and that produces, in this instance, a factual equivalence that cannot survive scrutiny.
The piece presents Edi Rama and Aleksandar Vučić as jointly opposed to the rule of law, democratic accountability, and judicial independence. The vehicle for this claim is a joint op-ed the two leaders published in the Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung, and the parliamentary vote in Albania’s Kuvend that blocked the lifting of immunity for former Deputy Prime Minister Belinda Balluku. From these two data points, Wölfl constructs a symmetry: Rama and Vučić, two leaders of the same type, with the same relationship to European values.
This equivalence is not analysis. It is a frame applied in advance of the evidence.
Serbia under Vučić has spent the past four years systematically dismantling the institutional architecture that EU accession requires. In February of this year alone, Belgrade adopted legislation that further eroded judicial independence, compounding years of documented backsliding on press freedom, electoral integrity, and prosecutorial autonomy. The European Commission’s own progress reports record this trajectory in granular detail. It is not a matter of interpretation.
Albania’s institutional trajectory is not Serbia’s. SPAK, the anti-corruption authority that brought the Balluku case, commands genuine public credibility precisely because it has functioned with a degree of independence that has no equivalent anywhere in Serbia’s current institutional landscape. The Albanian vetting process, imperfect in execution, has produced results that would be structurally impossible under the conditions Vučić has engineered in Belgrade. The parliamentary vote on Balluku’s immunity is a matter before Albania’s institutions and its electorate. It is not evidence of systemic equivalence with a state that adopted legislation in February of this year specifically designed to further erode the independence of its judiciary. These are not comparable situations. Treating them as such does not illuminate the Western Balkans. It obscures it.
The equivalence also misreads the FAZ piece itself. The proposal at its centre — that Western Balkans states should accede to the single market while waiving veto rights — serves Serbian interests specifically. It offers the economic benefits of integration without the rule-of-law conditionality that Serbia, under its current government, cannot meet. For Albania, which is further along the accession track and whose institutional reforms are already measured against full membership criteria, the proposal offers nothing that the existing process does not already provide. Rama’s participation in that initiative is a political decision Der Standard is entitled to scrutinise. But political association and ideological convergence are not the same thing, and conflating them produces a conclusion the evidence does not support.
We raise this not because Der Standard published a critical piece about Albania. Critical coverage of Albanian institutions is not only legitimate, it is necessary. We raise it because this particular error — the flattening of distinct national trajectories into a single regional archetype — is not new in Der Standard’s coverage of this part of Europe. The formula is familiar: progress acknowledged, transformation doubted, actors arranged into types. It is a template, and templates do not require the kind of evidentiary discipline that the complexity of this region demands.
Der Standard is a paper of record. Its Western Balkans coverage reaches policymakers, European parliamentarians, and Commission officials for whom the distinction between Albania’s institutional trajectory and Serbia’s is not academic. When that distinction is collapsed, the cost is not abstract. It lands in the assessments that shape enlargement decisions, in the frameworks through which conditionality is applied, in the political will — already thin, as Wölfl herself notes — that determines whether any of this progress ultimately means anything.
We are not asking Der Standard to be kind to any government, including the Albanian one. We are asking it to be precise.
The Editorial Board, Tirana Examiner