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Why Rama Keeps Winning: Four Terms Are Not Theatre

21.04.26

A convenient narrative in Tirana reduces continuity to opposition weakness. The record suggests a more complex reality: voter choice, perceived performance, and the absence of a credible alternative.

Albatros Rexhaj 

 

In Tirana, a convenient explanation circulates: Edi Rama remains in power because Sali Berisha cannot remove him. In its more refined form, this becomes a theory of a tacit equilibrium, a necessary theatre that keeps both sides in play. It is an appealing story. It is also a comforting one. The problem is that it collides with a simple fact: four consecutive terms are not theatre. They are the outcome of the vote.

Counterfactual explanations, “if only there were a real opposition,” endure because they cannot be disproved. Real politics does not operate in that register. It leaves a record. That record shows an electorate that, despite dissatisfaction, has continued to return the government to office. This is not an endorsement without reservation. It is a choice under constraint. That distinction matters.

Criticism exists. It is constant, often justified, and politically relevant. But it does not exhaust the picture. Alongside it are stubborn facts: rising tourism, visible urban transformation, incremental movement in the European integration process. These are not decisive on their own. They do not need to be. They only need to be sufficient to sustain repetition. They have been.

This is where the “theatre” claim begins to collapse under its own weight. A managed stage requires discipline. It requires control over outcomes. It avoids risk. The Albanian system does not meet that standard. SPAK has opened cases against senior figures within the governing majority. One can dispute their pace or their depth. One cannot plausibly dismiss their existence. A system that produces uncomfortable files for those in power is not a perfectly scripted one.

The explanation that remains is less elegant and more durable. Voters do not reward perfection. They reward direction, or the perception of it. Roads get built. Cities change shape. Tourism grows. These signals accumulate. They do not persuade everyone. They do not need to. They only need to persuade enough. At the same time, the opposition has not translated discontent into a governing alternative that voters trust. This is the gap that matters.

There is a second layer, and it is rarely acknowledged. Much of the political narrative in Tirana is produced by actors who shape debate but do not carry votes. When their influence stops at commentary, the explanation for that gap is often externalized. A cartel. A deal. A theatre. The diagnosis is elegant. The diagnosis is also self-serving. It explains failure without requiring correction.

None of this absolves the government. Continuity is not a certificate of quality. Nor does it condemn the opposition by default. It clarifies the terrain. The reduction of outcomes to the weakness of one individual does not hold. Neither does the opposite fantasy, that repeated victories reflect pure electoral affection. Voting is colder than both claims. It is comparative. It is conditional. It is, above all, practical.

The question, then, is not whether a single leader should change. It is whether the system produces a credible alternative at all. Until it does, continuity will persist without needing deeper conspiracy. One side offers enough to win. The other does not offer enough to replace it. That is not theatre. That is politics.

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